The 1897 order in council opened the application of common law in
The consequences of this were deep and continue to affect us to this very day. It created and concentrated power in a Center – colonial master, whose purpose was to exploit the resources in the colony for the west. Laws and policies were made to make this possible as a result Africans were striped of their only source of livelihood. Land was legally confiscated; people were striped of their dignity and virtually turned into tools to service this purpose. Institutions were created in line with this general goal thus both the Judiciary and police, the legislature and general administration which divided the country on tribal lines proved very effective.
At independence there was great aspiration that a change will benefit Kenyans. What we got was a reversal of roles rather than the order. We got coconuts – black on the outside but white on the inside, which mastered the system and continued exploitation of the country at the expense of the Kenyans. Inequalities got to the apex, power became a necessity to maintain the status quo. Poverty and corruptions became the hallmark of our society triggering a move from many on the on the margins to fight to be included also.
In the PCK I see an attempt to dismantle this unjust machinery to set a new order;
- Fragment power and spread it to the margins, this goes with legal mechanism to share these resources away from the center.
- It also brings those previously pushed to the periphery into the center with a voice and their interest attended to.
The PCK does this in three main ways;
a. Governance is restructured
Clear distinction in made between the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary and power is thus vested in all these institution to serve the people of
Creation of County governments and the Senate further spread power to the grassroots enabled to check and advise the national government with the local interests in view.
b. Popular representation not only in numbers but texture. This way it has invited those on the outside IN. Communities are given visibility and space to participate, women’s participation has been guarded and their voice will now be present.
c. The dignity of Kenyans has been made central as indicted in the purpose for the document, the declaration of the sovereignty of the people of
- Should we impose our social ethics in the Society we live in and ignore the position of those we share the society with despite their faith? One must be reminded that the grounds for which it is demanded of us to live in this Christian way, is because we have received Grace. Should we criminalize sin? Rather should not our quest be how to influence our society be through undermining its values to the extent that they are aligned to ours. Our primary concern should be how we live out our social ethics in this society. Our demand of the constitution therefore should be latitude to live out our ethics, put differently does the constitution give us space to practice and influence our society as stranger-insider?
- The ends we seek that will determine the nature of laws the country will have. To guide us here we ought to pose these two questions;
i. What should we do? This will ask of us and the society questions of rules and therefore actions leading us to prescribe laws that all should adhere to and the does and don’ts. We would need to enforce the rules through punishment and coercion. We risk ‘talibanising’ our country and taking away peoples right of conscience.
ii. Should we rather ask; who should we be? In a multi-faith context asking these questions we will be seeking our foothold among competing values. This should lead us to question about Character, inviting us to live out our values and norms intentionally in the society with the purpose of inviting those outside the kingdom in through persuasion.
The context of writing this constitution should inform our current discussions. We are between post election violence that crippled this nation and a potentially explosive conflict if we do not urgently address the things that created the conflict in the first instance. We must coin ways of addressing issues of governance, dignity through rights of the people of
I am satisfied that these hotspots have been adequately addressed in the PNC and would highly recommend its enactment!
We shall have lost a chance to restructure our governance framework. The 2008 act which entrenched peace accord and created instruments for changes did not envisage the rejection of the constitution by the people. The CoE’s role ended when they gave the proposed constitution, both the IIEC and the IIBC and TJRC mandates expire in December. There will be need to set up new vehicles to address the constitution rewriting so as to address the contentions and conduct referendum.
The choice we have to make is between the current constitution and the PNC, not the one we probably wish to have! The aftermath of 2005 should be instructive, for if we loose political goodwill to carry out the changes we hoped for it will be a huge struggle to gain it, the political class in whose favor the present constitution leans would want to continue.
The impact of the failure to pass the constitution will precipitate an unprecedented competition and the ensuring conflicts may be greater than we have ever known.
We may never succeed in time for a general election which we will have to go to with the old constitution without an electoral commission in place already.
The possibility that there will be introduction of vertical and horizontal Checks and Balances especially with the entrenchment of key constitutional commissions to give Kenyans value for money and check impunity and facilitate a new culture of governance under a more clean, lean, effective, accountable and responsive government because the sanctions for violations of the rules shall be severe will have been wasted.
The church shall have proved the point that she is a Key player in the politics of the nations and you ignore them at your own peril.
Will the church now have the capacity to push for a new process of the redrafting the constitution? I am sure that groups that suppressed their preferences to allow for a new constitution will find a window to reintroduce their demands. With the political will gone the assumption will be that are fine with the current arrangement, we should not rule out revenge and opposition of the whole process for the same reasons some opposed this one…not to mention those wanting to maintain the status quo.
The church will find it difficult to erase the perception of an accomplice in the No platform with suspects of historical justice and those who ruined this country during their rule. Being on the one side with the church has emboldened them forgetting their contribution to oppression and impoverishment of Kenyans. How will the church face those for whom she fought for? The rejection of the katiba will delay addressing issues of justice for the IDPs due to PEV, in fact we may be prepared to receive more IDPs since we will have no structures and means to redress causes of political conflicts.The preoccupation with the wrongs in the constitution has silenced the churches voice of affirming the positives in articulating issues of justice.
During this process of Katiba the church has made ‘enemies’ with many communities and bridges that existed in relations seems to be in disrepair. It will be hard to reach out to Muslims for the apparent hostility over the Kadhi’s court issue and political class who supported the PNC. The church will have lost an allay in the interreligious forum to press for social reforms on the ills that we all condemn in the society.
Should Yes win:
The country will be rejuvenated in hope for changes of what is past and painful. Hope will create a new sensation that should be built on to create a new country. This will give the impetus for creating and managing institutions that will implement these changes. The Separation of Powers between the Judiciary, the legislature and the executive shall ensure that rights are protected, justice delivered, opportunities and security enhanced for all Kenyans.
The expanded Bill of rights shall finally secure the principle of the Indivisibility and inalienability of rights and freedoms. Kenyans now have the basis of building a democracy where the dignity of every citizen shall be the center piece of government policy. This shall fundamentally alter the basis of state policy and budgeting in
Popular Participation shall be secured with the enhanced platforms of peoples participation in governance including stronger political parties, better representation of the people and the avenues of legislation.
The church will have Credibility crisis:
Church leaders have been the bulwark of strength against oppressive regimes over the years. They stood for equality, justice and sought to end corruption and inequalities in this country. All these were rooted in her prophetic call. The society and its leaders will have little respect for Church leaders for their opposition to the draft and this rift unless bridged at some point will render the Church voice less there for blunting her knave to be salt and light in our society.
The church will face a theological crisis:
The church has made unambiguous position on the constitutional issues of sexuality and family, Kadhi’s courts and abortion. It is a clear ideal but it is remote from the way Christians believe. Since a vast numbers of Christians will have supported the constitution with the provisions deemed against the position of the church. There will be an abyss between what the church teaches and the way many members of the church live. When it comes the constitution and aspiration for justice most Christians do not behave different from others in society. How is the church to respond to this? One approach is strongly to insist on the teaching. If we do this we are in danger of becoming increasingly out of touch with the lives of so many members of our Church. The Church might become a narrow sect whose ethics isolates it and inhibits it from sharing the gospel with others. Already many Christians cling to membership of the church by ignoring the church’s teaching on social justice and sexuality which undermines the church’s authority in other areas. If one can disregard what the church says about constitution, then why not about everything else. Others remain in the church but feel either burdened with guilt or feel second class citizens, excluded from communion because they are in “irregular situation”.
If the church simply accepts modern mores, then the dangers are just as serious. We would appear to be assimilating ourselves weakly to the modern world, lacking the guts to stand for what we believe. If the church’s teaching is true, then surely we must proclaim it. Often what happens in practice is that the official teaching is asserted perhaps “sotto voce” and subtle hints are given that everyone is really welcome. This is called the pastoral solution. Maybe it is the most humane way but it may look like dishonesty and cowardice.
The Church leaders must join their other colleagues to support the PNC before voting on the account of the gains and the promise it offers the country but set up mechanisms to address the valid moral issues it raised during and before this vote. This may be the only way to weave the differences growing out of not understanding each other and build a society where everyone has space to exist.
Rev. Canon Francis Omondi
Anglican Church of